Race for FNM Deputy Leader

by Simon

•Simon is a young Bahamian with things on his mind who wishes to remain anonymous. His column 'Front Porch' is published every Tuesday in the Nassau Guardian. He can be reached at frontporchguardian@gmail.com.

As in the PLP, the race to become Leader of the FNM and possibly Prime Minister may run through the deputy leadership of the party and the deputy prime ministership.

This is why Cynthia “Mother” Pratt, former Deputy Prime Minister and Deputy Leader of the PLP, and Brent Symonette, Deputy Prime Minister and Deputy Leader of the FNM, may be vulnerable in their current posts. 

Of the two, Mr. Symonette is more vulnerable than Mother Pratt, who enjoys more popular support in her party and the nation.

Those FNMs wishing to eventually succeed Mr. Ingraham as party leader and the nation’s chief executive may view the number two spots in the party and the nation as the ticket to becoming numero uno on both fronts. 

If Mr. Symonette is defeated as Deputy Leader he could also be replaced as Deputy Prime Minister, suffering a double loss that may torpedo any future leadership aspirations.

As an aside, the Prime Minister does not have to appoint a deputy prime minister – a post with no constitutional standing – though that has been a convention we have often observed.   Relatedly, a number of British and Commonwealth prime ministers never appoint a deputy prime minister during their tenures. 

JOCKEYING

While there are always firsts in politics, no number two has ever become first among equals in Bahamian politics, and infrequently in other parliamentary democracies.  Still, as in the PLP, the race for deputy leader is another stage in the jockeying to succeed Messrs. Ingraham and Christie after they leave office.

Though Mr. Symonette won as deputy leader while the FNM was still in opposition, he won only a plurality, approximately 35 plus per cent of the vote, beating his then closest challenger Carl Bethel by less than 30 votes.

Almost three years later and now that the party is back in office, the political ground has shifted, with him confronted by more powerful opponents than he faced at the party’s last convention, and contenders who now sit with him in the House of Assembly and the Cabinet.

Mr. Symonette is not without his strengths, but his opponents will focus on a complex of weaknesses which make this son of a former premier quite vulnerable. Surprisingly, one of his greater weaknesses, especially considering his political lineage and the amount of time he has spent in politics is that he is often tone-deaf on the politics and public relations of governance. 

A challenge to the Member of Parliament for St. Anne’s will test his depth of support in the party and the country, as well as that of others seeking to short-circuit his leadership ambitions.  If possible challengers wait too long, allowing Mr. Symonette’s support to grow, they may regret a lost opportunity.

That opportunity is tied to a long-standing political difficulty for Mr. Symonette, which was captured in a leaked secret report commissioned by PLP Leader Perry Christie after his party’s 2007 general election loss.

In response to a question as to why voters decided not to vote for the FNM, a significant amount of voters listed “the prospect of Brent Symonette becoming deputy prime minister”.  The natural question arises: “What would those numbers look like if Mr. Symonette is positioned to become Prime Minister?”

NEGATIVES

This survey result may help explain why the FNM did not do as well as it expected in 2007.  Mr. Symonette’s negatives may have increased at that time after the PLP launched what many believe was an effective negative political advertisement on television featuring the then Member of Parliament for Montagu.

It is a theme which the PLP will continue to pursue and derives from the actual and perceived connections of the FNM to the so-called Bay Street Boys, which is a more complex historical matter than is often perceived or admitted.  This includes the PLP’s own connections to and dealings with this economic cum political group, more of which at another time.

For now, the PLP will continue to press this political pressure point while the FNM decides how to handle a charged matter with an overlay of class and racial politics.

Meanwhile, whether or not Mr. Symonette is challenged at the FNM’s next convention, he is currently suffering from a competence gap regarding his tenure as Minister with responsibility for the Passport Office.

The vast majority of Bahamians don’t give much thought to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, except when it comes to the Passport Office.  Indeed, that Ministry has a very small domestic political constituency.

But passports are vital to Bahamians as a travel document and as a form of identification.  Unlike many countries, just about every Bahamian has a passport, with Bahamians believing they have a right to life, liberty and travel to Florida for business, relaxation, shopping and health care.

Moreover, from banking to a host of legal matters, a passport is an essential document for daily living and not just periodic travel.  So, getting the transition to the new machine-readable and biometric passports right was not simply a matter for appeasing the international community, but as importantly, to satisfy the Bahamian public.

The transition did not go well, with the former government making a host of mistakes, despite their recent posturing on the matter.  Still, the current administration is not blameless, with most of the blame having to be shouldered by Minister Symonette, whose management of the transition was woefully inadequate.

UNCONVINCING

His attempts to shift primary blame for the difficult transition to the civil service were unconvincing and self-serving.  On this matter, like his immediate predecessor as Minister of Foreign Affairs, he failed to lead his public officers, often blaming them for matters for which he was responsible. 

As a businessman, he incorrectly surmised that the civil service culture, which is obviously in need of ongoing reform, would simply respond to his instructions from on high.

Mr. Symonette failed to develop a workable transition plan, making the case to his colleagues to give the Passport Office the lead time, equipment, training and personnel necessary to meet his ambitious and publicly-stated goals.

He failed to get in the trenches and inspire his officers, and he failed at the public relations with the general public.  In essence he failed at the two most critical elements of his job – governance and politics.

Still, there is no guarantee that the Foreign Minister will be challenged for the number two spot – at least for now.  But possible challengers must be actively calculating the costs/benefits of attempting to retire Mr. Symonette from his current posts.  Defeating Mr. Symonette for the deputy leadership would gain them greater political gravitas within the FNM and the country.

Mr. Symonette must be aware of his vulnerabilities. The question is whether he can marshal his strengths and resources, which are not inconsiderable, to either forestall a challenge or defeat one if and when it comes.

As in the PLP, a contest for deputy leader now will send signals as to the direction of the party and who may be leading contenders for leader and possibly prime minister after Mr. Ingraham chooses to leave office.