Bahama Pundit

Aftermath of the 2017 Bahamas General Election Tsunami

by Larry Smith

Shortly before the May 10 general election, former Deputy Prime Minister Philip Davis and retired cabinet minister George Smith both predicted a PLP win.

“I see no reason why we shouldn’t take 30 seats,” Davis said smugly. And according to Smith, the vote would be close, "(but) in the end the PLP will emerge victorious.”

These forecasts required us to accept that the PLP had not lost any support over it’s disreputable five-year term - a stretch by any measure.

I wrote some weeks ago that a clear case could be made that conditions in the country today are very similar to those in 1992. In addition to the PLP's increasingly authoritarian style, back then the country was running out of economic options due to corruption and mismanagement. 

I also pointed out that the DNA - which drew over 13,000 votes in the 2012 election - was the biggest unknown quantity that could actually affect this election. If it did not exist, I said, there is no doubt that Christie's PLP would be swept out in a landslide. 

Until shortly before the election, the prevailing view was that the DNA would again split the anti-government vote, and bring about a PLP victory that would be disastrous for the country. Many opposition activists and supporters were genuinely distressed over the failure of the FNM and DNA to forge some kind of alliance against the PLP. 

Added to this uncertainty factor was the split between FNM leader Hubert Minnis and his former deputy Loretta Butler-Turner. Butler-Turner had been talking to the DNA about an electoral agreement, but what she described as "an anti-establishment alliance" failed to materialise.

But as the election date approached, infighting within the FNM died down and most opposition supporters coalesced around Minnis as the only effective choice. The FNM was also able to put forward many fresh and credible candidates, and the seven rebel MPs became politically irrelevant.

Only Butler-Turner decided to run as an independent in Long Island, which turned out to be a poor decision. She was handily defeated by Adrian Gibson in the ensuing FNM wave and appears to be out of the picture for the medium term at least.

At this writing, the PLP retained only four seats in parliament (Glenys Hanna-Martin in Englerston; Philip Davis in Cat Island, Rum Cay and San Salvador; Chester Cooper in Exuma; and Picewell Forbes in South Andros.

Following Minnis’ swearing in as prime minister on May 11, the  big question is who will lead the opposition.

Forbes - a former radio announcer - is a cipher of little substance. Cooper is a successful business executive and political newcomer. Hanna-Martin is the scion of a famous PLP dynasty. And Davis was deputy prime minister in the outgoing government.

Both Hanna-Martin and Davis have been MPs and cabinet ministers since the first Christie administration took office in 2002. At 65 Davis is the senior figure and already had his sights on succeeding Christie as party leader. 

But as he is considered an old-line PLP fixer with poor speaking skills and no charisma, the selection of Davis as opposition leader would be counter-productive in the present circumstances. 

Cooper would be the smart choice for the post of leader in parliament. He is fresh, untainted by political scandal, unrelated to any political dynasty, and not a part of the geriatric PLP mafia. But party grandees are unlikely to allow Brave and Glenys to be sidelined.

 

As for the party leadership, Christie (who has apparently lost his Farm Road seat) first has to resign or a convention must be called to select a new leader. At the last convention in November, his only challenger was Alfred Sears who failed dismally. Sears also lost his election bid in Fort Charlotte.

 

So the conventional wisdom would be that Davis takes over as both party leader and leader in the House, and the PLP does not get the radical overhaul it needs to regain the electorate’s trust.

But it will still be a large and powerful organization, and its influence will grow again over time. Whether the PLP learns from past mistakes, gets rid of the geriatric mafia and creates a new culture remains to be seen.

 

The other big question is what will happen to the DNA. Party leader Bran McCartney has given no indication so far of falling on his sword, and the party seems content to carry on, despite the fact it had no impact on the results this time around.

 

The FNM - which not too long ago was seen as a basket case - is now in full control after the biggest win in our electoral history.

 

But waiting in the wings are the We March activists who were able to focus a lot of the anti-PLP anger in the months leading up to the election. Here's what Ranard Henfield, one of the chief organizers,  had to say:

 

"Now that we've eliminated the PLP, who laughed at our list of issues when they were the government on Black Friday, We March will issue an updated list to Dr. Hubert Minnis. Our role is once again to be a pressure group - and the OPPOSITION if the four PLPs can't be effective."

Exuma Fyre Festival—"Possibly The Worst Event Of All Time"

by Larry Smith

Some may recall a parody celebration called Festivus from the 1990s American sitcom, Seinfeld. It included a feast, feats of strength, and the labeling of ordinary events as miracles. Festivus was entirely made up by the father of one of the show's scriptwriters.

 

Although not a perfect analogy, Festivus reminds me of the Fyre Festival. This cleverly concocted event was set for Exuma at the end of April. But it crashed spectacularly - stranding hundreds and spawning a public relations nightmare for the Bahamas.

 

The wave of bad publicity included stories by major British, American and Canadian newspapers, magazines and broadcasters. Headlines included such gems as: Rich Kids of Instagram Meet Hunger Games, Festival Crumbles in Bahamas, and Reports of Chaos in Bahamas.

 

Hundreds of visitors (no-one seems to know the exact number) descended on the island of Great Exuma for what was billed as “a transformative experience over two successive weekends on a remote private island once owned by (Colombian drug lord) Pablo Escobar featuring the best in food, art, music and adventure.”

 

But as one account put it, "the cultural event of the decade" became "a disaster of criminal negligence” involving absurd privilege, unscrupulous business and exploitation.